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Recent trends, holds up a true mirror, accurately reflecting the trend towards slimmer, healthier children. None of the SIRC members involved in the project are Freemasons, a fact that evoked surprise and welcome in equal measure from the Lodge members we met. The use of such a new term is taken by many commentators to imply that the phenomenon to which it relates is also quite novel. But in the way that aggressive outbursts from motorists were common long before the descriptor 'road rage' was coined, the patterns of behaviour that fall within the loose boundaries of binge-drinking also have a long ancestry in Britain. One only has to read The Pub and the People, written by Tom Harrisson and his Mass Observation colleagues in the late s, to be reminded of this. He refers us, for example, to the annual report of the Worktown Bolton Temperance Society annual report of which commented: Men and women staggering along the public streets, fights brawls of the most barbarous character" The contemporary observations made by Harrisson and co in Bolton and Blackpool were, in many substantial ways, consistent with what we have seen in our research over the past 20 years and with the present-day patterns of activity in towns and cities all over the country. Three observers independently estimate that at least 25 percent of the crowd are drunk. Along the promenade the air is full of beersmell that overcomes seasmell. It arises from people breathing. A swirling, moving mass of mostly drink people, singing, playing mouthorgans, groups dancing about. Chaps fall over and their friends pick them up cheerfully and unconcernedly … A fight starts among four young men: A result of the rapid expansion of licensed premises in town centres and a negative shift in alcohol-related behaviours as a consequence, or a new-found waywardness among young men and women in contemporary society? While these patterns of behaviour are very characteristic of what we take to be British drinking styles, they are not unique to this country. They are found elsewhere in what Levine describe as 'temperance' cultures — predominantly Anglo-Saxon and Nordic countries that have experienced the influence of strong Temperance movements. Such traditions have generated what is commonly referred to in the academic literature as a 'cultural ambivalence' towards alcohol, compared with the 'integrated' approach that is characteristic of, say, Mediterranean countries and elsewhere that have not experienced to such a substantial degree the impact of religious and ideological anti-drinking forces. While these forces might be less evident today than in s Bolton, their legacy remains — enshrined, for example in the complexity of current licensing laws, negative expectations regarding the outcomes of drinking and in the tendency towards 'disinhibited' drinking behaviours. We might also note that one of the most influential lobby groups concerned with drinking in this country, the Institute of Alcohol Studies, is entirely funded and managed by the United Kingdom Temperance Alliance. Much of the rationale for the new Licensing Act, of course, is based on the idea that reducing restrictions on alcohol availability will lead to parallel reductions in binge-drinking and other negative behaviours presumed to stem, at least in part, from out-dated and inappropriate Temperance traditions. Where alcohol is less controlled and more integrated into everyday life — as in, say, Italy and Spain — the routine events seen in British town and city centres on Friday and Saturday nights are rarely, if ever, witnessed. The approach, of course, has its strong critics and the prevalence and perseverance of binge-drinking is seen as evidence by some for the imposition of stricter controls rather than for liberalisation. The consensus among the majority of social researchers, however, based on extensive cross-cultural research, is that binge-drinking and other 'aberrant' patterns of alcohol consumption arise not from the chemical effects of alcohol ethanol itself but from a complex interaction between historical and cultural traditions, the dominant expectations in a society regarding the behavioural consequences of alcohol, the style of drinking places and the social dynamics of individuals and groups within them. The idea that binge-drinking is a product of our continuing ambivalence about alcohol is not new, nor restricted to academic researchers. The most acute students of human nature have long been aware that, on the contrary, difficulty frequently acts as a first-rate incentive …" The author goes on to argue that if people in Britain were treated in this context like the 'Latins, Hungarians, Rumanians', etc. It is the case that in most towns and cities it is now possible to drink until 2. On the other hand, the fact that the determination to drink relatively large quantities of alcohol in a relatively short time is evident only in societies which impose such restrictions suggests that the two are not unconnected in some substantial way. While Britain stands out from its European neighbours in terms of patterns of alcohol consumption and related behaviours there is evidence of a small degree of convergence occurring between traditionally ambivalent and integrated drinking cultures. In the late s and 90s, for example, there was a rapid rise in beer consumption in Spain, particular among young males. Associated with this rise was the emergence of the 'litronas' — groups of young men engaging in typically British fashion, drinking beer by the litre hence their name , getting drunk and engaging in anti-social behaviour see, for example, Rooney, and Gamella, There are also similar but less extensive signs of such changes in some parts of France and Italy see, for example, Nahoum-Grappe, Cottino, In contrast, the adoption in Britain of more 'continental' styles of drinking establishments has been viewed as a positive development. The emergence of wine bars, Mediterranean style cafes and a type of pub less reminiscent of the traditional, male-dominated 'boozer' has been claimed by some as heralding a shift in drinking behaviour away from the drunken 'swill' to a more 'civilised' and 'moderate' pattern of consumption. This view, however, is rarely shared by police and other agencies in town and city centres that have been transformed into large drinking circuits and where the appearance of some bars and cafes is regarded as simply a cosmetic disguise for what are otherwise 'vertical' drinking establishments. We have, then, the situation where, on the one hand, binge-drinking in 21st century Britain can be seen as simply as a continuation of timeless traditions of ambivalence about alcohol and its role in society. On the other hand we must recognise that changes are occurring in both the style of drinking places and in the types of drinks that are consumed within them. While the options available in s Bolton were limited to ale, mild and porter for the men and port or sherry for the women, even modest pubs today provide a much greater variety of products from half-decent chardonnay via premium lagers to shots, shooters and alcopops. To what extent might these factors either exacerbate the binge-drinking traditions or provide some potential for their amelioration? It is against the background of these considerations that the modest field research reported below was designed and conducted. Like Tom Harrisson and his fellow mass observationists we started with a regard for history but also with an eye for what might be changing. We also started with a recognition of the fact that while binge-drinking might be nothing new it is, and always has been, problematic to one degree or another. There is nothing pleasant about the drunken and often aggressive demeanour of large groups of both men and women who constitute the late-night populations of most urban centres at weekends, even for most of the participants. The same was true of Blackpool in the s. We have also been concerned not only with developing a more accurate description of the problem, but also with generating ideas which may be of some small assistance in dealing with the problem, particularly within licensed premises. Methodology The aim of the work was to identify typical patterns of so-called binge-drinking, and the types of drinks most commonly consumed, in three areas of the UK — London, Nottingham and Manchester. Approximately interviews were conducted in total involving the following individuals and broad protocols: Area managers, managers and senior staff. These focused on their perceptions of what defines binge-drinking; the types of people that most often exhibit such behaviour e. These focused more on their experiences of serving binge-drinkers; the types of drinks that they typically consumed; how such patterns changed during the course of the evening; etc. These focused on their perceptions of binge-drinking and binge-drinkers; the types and volumes of drink most commonly associated with such patterns; the types of people most often involved; the consequences; etc. Customers fitting the 'binge-drinking' profile. Police officers, Process Workers, Custody Sergeants, Detainment Officers and Alcohol Referral Workers were interviewed about their perceptions of binge-drinking; the types of people most often involved; the types of drink they typically consume; etc. Definitions of binge-drinking Definitions of binge-drinking were broadly consistent across the sample of Police, bar managers, bar staff and patrons. The most frequently cited were: Drinking with the intention of getting drunk, often mixing drinks Drinking to the point at which you lose control Drinking as much as possible in a short space of time Occasional, heavy drinking Interestingly, very few respondents defined binge-drinking in terms of specific units of alcohol consumed and there was little consistency between those that did. Many of the bar staff and patrons, although vague about actual government guidelines, believed that the limits set to define binge-drinking were too low. The consensus was that tolerance of alcohol varied significantly according to age, gender and even occasion. They just can't handle it as well. They're more likely to go and do something stupid. Some nights you can keep drinking and not get drunk. You know, you end up drinking yourself sober. Other nights, a couple of pints and you're lashed. Intentionally or not the respondents did not differentiate between the actual unit quantity of alcohol, binge-drinking per se, and its associated consequences. Rarely were the long-term health implications mentioned when referring to binge-drinking. The respondents generally paid the price of a big night out in the short-term "Sometimes you don't feel so clever. Thick head, skint, worried that you've behaved like a prat. You soon forget — until you do it the next time. Since alcohol will affect different people in different ways, there is no fixed relationship between the amount drunk and its consequences. For outsiders looking in, binge-drinking is the consumption of alcohol to a point where control and the usual rules that govern behaviour no longer seem to apply. It's about going out to get hammered. Going out to get as drunk as possible. It's an entirely different thing. Going out with your mates and letting go. The majority of those detained in Bridewell Custody Suite for alcohol-related incidents are first time offenders. For many, sobering up to find themselves in police custody is a new and often quite humbling experience. A common reaction expressed by these individuals on release is that arrest or detainment is an 'occupational hazard' of going on a big night out. A sense of embarrassment among the more compliant detainees is quite common, but even they are unlikely to display any sense of remorse. Very few take responsibility for their own actions. A few 'familiar faces' do re-offend. These are mostly long-term chronic drinkers. When they do re-offend it tends to be in cycles. These cycles may involve them being detained up to five times in one week. According to an alcohol referral worker, this cyclical pattern of binge-drinking among chronic drinkers usually motivates them, if only temporarily, to try and address the problem. By and large binge-drinking was cited as simply a 'new label for an old problem'. Drinking to get drunk. People have always done that. I don't think so. Going back a generation you'd maybe put them in the cells for the night and tell them to sleep it off. Some of the police and bar staff respondents did subscribe to the notion that binge-drinking was on the increase. A number of senior police staff also suggested that experienced police officers on the street were in some respects more lenient; they were likely to than their 'young, over enthusiastic' colleagues to give warnings before bringing offenders into the custody suite. There is also greater pressure on new recruits to make arrests. Some of the more seasoned bar managers even remarked that incidents of binge-drinking were actually on the decline. Thursday nights have always been a big night out in town. If anything rates of binge-drinking have gone down, particularly with modern attitudes to drink-driving and fear of getting breathalysed. Promotions and special offers are seen by many to encourage unhealthy patterns of alcohol consumption. A few bar managers had some empathy with this point of view. You only have to look at the price list. Cut-price drinks, it seems do not always equate to a consistently busy establishment. If you offer the punters in here something for half price they'll want to know what's wrong with it. Some bars and pubs that were renowned for cheap drinks, sometimes had a less than desirable reputation precisely because of the types of people they were thought to attract — young, aggressive binge-drinkers.
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